Introduction

International marriages in South Korea began in the 1980s, with Korean men marrying Japanese women through religious organizations. More recently, many women who arrive in South Korea via marriage come from Southeast Asia and China [1]. From 2012 to 2022, international marriages comprised 6.8% to 9.9% of total marriages in the country [2]. The rate of international marriages peaked in 2005, declined, and then resurged since 2015, along with increasing numbers of countries of origin [3]. In 2022, domestic marriage registrations totaled 192,000 (3.7 marriages per 1,000 people), representing a 0.4% decrease from the previous year, while the total of 17,000 international marriages represented an increase of 27.2% compared to the prior year [2].

With the increasing number of international marriages has come a corresponding rise in their divorce rates. In 2022, approximately 6,000 international marriages ended in divorce, for 6.2% of all divorces in South Korea, of which two-thirds (68.2%) involved Korean husbands and marriage immigrant wives [2]. An analysis of data from 2010 to 2014 revealed a divorce rate of approximately 19% among Korean husbands and foreign-born wives and 13% among Korean wives and foreign-born husbands, both rates significantly higher than the 6% divorce rate among couples in which both partners are Korean [4].

While marital dissolution can significantly disrupt lives, reactions vary widely: some benefit, some experience temporary declines in well-being, and some may experience a permanent downward trajectory in health and well-being [5]. The divorce-stress-adjustment perspective conceptualizes marital dissolution as a long-term process that lasts from pre-separation to well beyond legal finalization. This framework integrates two contrasting models: the crisis model and the chronic strain model [5].

The crisis model is supported by a meta-analysis showing that the harmful effects of marital dissolution are most pronounced during the first few years [6]. For instance, one study showed a pronounced decline in mental health indicators (e.g., distress, anxiety, depression) among middle-aged and older adults in the period immediately following divorce, with the association weakening after approximately 5 years [7]. In contrast, the chronic strain model posits that divorce creates persistent stressors like financial hardship, loneliness, and single parenting burdens, which may lead to sustained declines in well-being despite the ability of personal resources to modulate individuals’ distress [5]. In support of this model, one study of middle-aged people found the immediate post-divorce period (within 2-3 years) characterized by elevated psychological distress, while long-term adverse effects continued to affect physical health over a decade later [8]. This pattern could be particularly pronounced among individuals who transition to singlehood after divorce [6,9-11].

For marriage immigrants in Korea, divorce represents not only a personal challenge but also a complex legal and social process intertwined with their citizenship status. Many marriage immigrants cannot return to their country of birth, yet face obstacles to integrating into Korean society [12,13]. Despite recent growth in research focusing on divorce among marriage immigrants, many studies have employed qualitative methodologies and focused primarily on the divorce process and post-divorce adjustment [12-14]. This leaves a critical research gap in investigating factors associated with marriage immigrants’ self-rated health (SRH) following marital dissolution, and particularly in understanding the influence of the timing and duration of separation. Our study addresses this gap by examining the associations between timing of marital dissolution, duration since marital dissolution, and SRH among marriage immigrants who have divorced or separated, while controlling for social support, economic well-being, psychological well-being, and sociodemographic characteristics.

Methods

Study Design and Sample

The present study was a secondary data analysis of data from the 2021 National Multicultural Family Survey in Korea, a nationally representative survey conducted every 3 years by the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family and Statistics Korea [15]. The survey is conducted by trained interviewers using a questionnaire and focuses on marriage immigrants (including naturalized citizens), their spouses, and their children aged 9 to 24 years. The 2021 survey was conducted from August 2 to September 10, 2021; due to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, it combined face-to-face and online surveys. From the 15,421 immigrants who responded to the 2021 survey, we selected and analyzed data from 407 divorced or separated marriage immigrants living in single-person households.

Measures

1. Dependent Variable: Self-Rated Health

SRH was measured using a single item: “How is your overall health?” Participants responded using a 5-point Likert scale (consisting of very good, good, fair, poor, and very poor). We categorized the SRH responses into two groups: “good” (very good or good) and “poor” (very poor, poor, or fair).

2. Independent Variables: Timing and Duration of Marital Dissolution

Marital dissolution timing and duration measures included age at divorce or separation and years since divorce or separation. We used 3-year intervals for duration of marital dissolution, guided by previous research indicating that the impact of marital dissolution on health may manifest in as few as 3 years or less [16], and that mortality rates following marital dissolution exhibit significant differences starting at the 3-year mark [17].

3. Covariates

To account for potential confounding effects, our analysis included data on four covariate categories: social support, economic well-being, psychological well-being, and sociodemographic characteristics.

Social support was measured using three questions that asked whether there was anyone to help when respondents were sick (0=no, 1=yes), needed money (0=no, 1=yes), or were depressed (0=no, 1=yes). Total scores ranged from 0 to 3, with a higher score indicating a higher level of social support.

Economic well-being included employment status, measured by whether the respondent had worked in the past week (yes/no), and subjective social status, measured with a single question: “In terms of various factors, such as income, wealth, education, and occupation, to what social class do you think your family belongs?” Participants responded using a 6-point scale (upper-high, upper-low, middle-high, middle-low, lower-high, lower-low). We categorized these responses into two groups: “high and middle” (upper-high, upper-low, middle-high, and middle-low) and “low” (lower-high and lower-low).

Psychological well-being measures included perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms. Perceived discrimination was measured using a single question with binary response options (yes/no): “During the past 12 months, was there ever a time that you were discriminated against in Korea?” Depressive symptoms were also measured using a single question: “Have you ever felt sad or hopeless for at least 2 weeks to the point where it interfered with your daily life in the past year?” Participants responded using a 4-point scale (never, sometimes, often, and very often), and we categorized these responses into two groups: “no” (never) and “yes” (sometimes, often, and very often).

Sociodemographic characteristics collected encompassed age, gender (self-selected from response options of male or female), years of education attained at time of arrival in the country, and ethnicity (self-reported on an open-ended question and defined for this study as Chinese, Korean Chinese, or other).

Ethical Considerations

The data used in this study were downloaded from the Microdata Integrated Service of Statistics Korea (http://mdis.kostat.go.kr/index.do), which provides publicly available data with personal information already deleted. This study was reviewed and approved by the research ethics committee of the first author’s institution (IRB No. 1040198-231227-HR-193-01).

Data Analysis

All statistical analyses were performed with IBM SPSS Statistics Version 26.0 for Windows (IBM Corporation, Armonk, NY, USA). Independent t-test, chi-squared, and Fisher’s exact tests were conducted to compare differences in sociodemographic characteristics and personal well-being between the two groups based on good versus poor SRH. We used a binary logistic regression, with odds ratios (ORs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs), to identify predictors for single-household marriage immigrants’ SRH. Additionally, to assess whether the independent variables (ordinal or continuous) exhibited a statistically significant linear trend in relation to SRH, we analyzed p-trend values.

Results

Characteristics of the Sample

The participants’ mean age was 50.61 years (SD=11.34), and most (83.8%) were women and either Chinese (27.6%) or Korean Chinese (43.5%). Their mean reported level of social support was 2.67 out of 3 (SD=1.56). The majority had worked in the past week (67.1%) and reported low subjective social status (68.6%). Some reported perceived discrimination (14.7%). Nearly half reported depressive symptoms (46.2%). The mean age at the time of divorce or separation was 42.66 years (SD=10.52), and the mean duration since divorce or separation was 7.95 years (SD=5.98). About half of the participants (51.4%) reported that their health was good (Table 1).

Associations Between Independent Variables and Self-Rated Health

We observed differences in SRH according to ethnicity, with a higher proportion of Korean Chinese individuals found in the group with poor SRH (χ²=15.96, p<.001). Compared to the group with good SRH, the group with poor SRH reported lower mean levels of social support (t=4.31, p<.001) and higher rates of low social status (χ²=5.80, p=.016) and depressive symptoms (χ²=18.36, p<.001). The group with poor SRH also had a higher mean age at divorce or separation (t=-5.52, p<.001) and had experienced a longer period post-divorce or separation (t=-3.77, p<.001). No significant differences in SRH were observed related to age, gender, years of education at arrival in Korea, or perceived discrimination (Table 2).

Binary Logistic Regression Analysis of Variables by Poor Self-Rated Health

The binary logistic regression model explained 35.0% (Nagelkerke R²) of the variance in SRH and correctly classified 70.6% of cases. Individuals who had experienced marital dissolution after 50 years of age had significantly higher odds of poor SRH (OR=4.87, 95% CI=1.29-18.38) compared to those who separated before age 30. Furthermore, the odds of poor SRH were elevated for those who had been separated for 3–6 years (OR=2.74, 95% CI=1.28-5.88), 9-12 years (OR=2.76, 95% CI=1.15-6.63), 12–15 years (OR=4.39, 95% CI=1.65-11.69), and 15+ years (OR=5.37, 95% CI=1.82-15.83) compared to the group who had less than 3 years since marital dissolution. Figure 1 visually depicts the association between duration since marital dissolution and mean SRH scores, suggesting a fluctuating pattern with an overall downward trend in SRH over time. Age at marital dissolution, years since marital dissolution, and social support exhibited a significant linear trend with p-trend <.05.

Unemployment during the past week (OR=2.57, 95% CI=1.50-4.40) and depressive symptoms (OR=3.08, 95% CI=1.87-5.07) were also significantly associated with increased odds of poor SRH. Conversely, higher social support was associated with decreased odds of poor SRH (OR=0.78, 95% CI=0.66-0.91). No significant associations were found between SRH and age, gender, years of education at arrival in the country, ethnicity, subjective social status, or perceived discrimination (Table 3).

DISCUSSION

Our findings suggest an association between the timing of marital dissolution and SRH. Notably, the odds of reporting poor SRH were 4.87 times higher among adults 50 years of age and older compared to those 30 years old or younger. Adverse life events such as divorce can diminish a person’s sense of control over life, leading to negative mental and physical health consequences, in any age group. However, the impact on health may vary due to differences in developmental tasks and individual characteristics across the lifespan [18-20]. Middle-aged and older adults have been found to experience a steeper decline in perceived control following adverse life events compared to younger adults [18]. This diminished sense of control, coupled with longer recovery periods, may lead to greater vulnerability to the long-term negative effects of divorce.

In contrast to previous literature suggesting that the adverse effects of marital dissolution on health wane over time [6,7], marriage immigrants in our study reported the most positive SRH within the first 3 years post dissolution. This may be attributable to relief from the stressors associated with troubled marital relationships. A recent national survey in South Korea identified reasons for divorce among marriage immigrants, with personality differences the most common reason (50.7%), followed by economic hardship (14.0%), abuse or violence (8.8%), and emotional infidelity (7.5%) [15]. Qualitative studies on marriage immigrant women’s divorce experiences further highlight communication issues, authoritative behavior from husbands and in-laws, financial difficulties, and verbal and/or physical abuse as significant challenges [12,14].

However, the initial positive health reports may not be sustainable. We found increases in negative perceptions regarding health status after 3 years post dissolution, which further substantiate the chronic strain model’s suggestion that marital dissolution leads to a persistent decline in subjective well-being and health [5,21,22]. This decline is likely due to the loss of social, psychological, and economic resources typically associated with marriage [23]. Among immigrant women, difficulties obtaining alimony or equitable property division often lead to economic hardship as they navigate independence without adequate support systems [12,24]. Disrupted social networks, coupled with feelings of loneliness, anxiety, and societal discrimination, further contribute to mental health challenges [12,24]. Moreover, remaining unmarried and living alone has been linked to long-term negative health consequences [6,9,10]. The marital resource model suggests that individuals who do not remarry after divorce face a higher risk of premature mortality, with mortality rates 30% to 66% higher than among married individuals [6,25].

This study controlled for relevant socioeconomic and psychological variables known to influence health outcomes post marital dissolution [6,11,25]. Consistent with prior research, we found economic activity, depressive symptoms, and social support to be significantly associated with SRH. Economic hardship may limit access to health care services and resources, potentially worsening health issues [6,20,26]. Divorced marriage immigrants who face challenges in the host country’s labor market due to lack of experience or credential recognition are more likely to experience economic hardship [27,28]. Meanwhile, individuals experiencing depressive symptoms following separation are known to have increased risk of chronic illness morbidity and mortality [29]. Divorced immigrant women in Korea often experience social stigma—due to suspicion of involvement in a “marriage of convenience”—that makes them vulnerable to mental health problems arising from social isolation [13,24]. Social support plays a crucial role in post-divorce adaptation and health status [29]. Following disruption in one’s social network, gradually forming social ties and expanding support networks can lead to satisfaction with current life circumstances [27]. Therefore, establishing a resilient social support system is essential for enhancing the well-being of divorced or separated immigrants living alone.

Strengths and Limitations

In recognition of the growing number of single-person households in the country, the 2021 National Multicultural Family Survey in Korea broadened its scope to include marriage immigrants residing alone. This shift targeted a previously understudied population—marriage immigrants in single-person households—who, due to their unique intersectionalities, face heightened risks for health vulnerabilities. This study offers a unique contribution by examining the associations between SRH and timing and duration of marital dissolution among marriage immigrants residing in single-person households within their host country.

In this study, the final regression model explained 35.0% of the variance, indicating that while the model accounts for a significant proportion of variance, additional factors likely influence the outcome variable. Nevertheless, the model does not incorporate key psychological determinants, such as resilience in coping with both the transition to and the aftermath of divorce and affective experiences (e.g., attachment anxiety), as well as health behaviors (e.g., smoking, alcohol consumption, and poor dietary habits) [7,8,25]. Because this study excluded marriage immigrants cohabiting with children or relatives, as well as those who had left Korea following marital dissolution, the generalizability of the findings may be limited. Moreover, the cross-sectional nature of this study prevents an examination of within-individual changes in health following divorce. Panel studies that employ a longitudinal design to track changes over time could be particularly valuable in exploring the factors influencing this observed pattern.

CONCLUSION

Transitioning to singlehood after marital dissolution may have long-term negative health consequences, particularly for those experiencing this transition later in life. In line with the chronic strain model, marriage immigrant individuals who dissolved their marriages after age 50 exhibited significantly poorer SRH compared to those who separated before age 30. Additionally, individuals who had been separated 3–6 years or 9+ years reported poorer SRH compared to those within 3 years of separation. To mitigate health declines, proactive interventions focusing on enhancing social support and acquiring health management resources within the initial 3 years of separation may be crucial.

Figure 1.

Self-rated health trajectories after marital dissolution

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Figure & Data

References

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